Data-collection in Qualitative Research Essay Example for Free

Data-collection in Qualitative Research Essay This Chapter is about methods and techniques in data-collection during a qualitative research. We mentioned earlier that qualitative research is eclectic. That is, the choice of techniques is dependent on the needs of the research. Although this should be true for almost all social research, it is particularly so with qualitative research in that the appropriate method or techniques is often identified and adopted during the research. Qualitative research is also multi-modal. The researcher may adopt a variety of research techniques, or a combination of such, as long as they are justified by the needs. The discussion below is therefore not to identify a set of techniques unique to qualitative research, but rather, to introduce the methods and techniques most commonly used in qualitative research, and the issues related to such use. We shall introduce the methods and techniques in three broad categories: observations, interviews and study of documents. These are also the basic methods used in cultural anthropology (Bernard, 1988:62). Indeed, the discussions about qualitative research in education can be viewed as a particular case in cultural anthropology. Observations Observation usually means the researchers act to find out what people do (Bernard, 1988:62). It is different from other methods in that data occur not necessarily in response to the researchers stimulus. Observation may be obtrusive or unobtrusive. A researcher may simply sit in the corner of a school playground and observe how students behave during breaks. He may also stand by the school gate and observe how students behave at the school gate. Such cases of observation may be seen as unobtrusive. In other cases, the researchers may not apply any stimuli, but their presence per se may have some influence on the scene. The most common example in this category is classroom observation. Although the researcher may just sit quietly at the corner of a classroom, the presence of the researcher may  change the classroom climate. It is, nonetheless, still observation. Observation is a basic technique used in almost all qualitative research. Even if other methods or techniques are used, the researcher remains the most essential sensor or instrument and hence observation always counts (McCracken, 1988:18-20). For example, when interviewing is used, a qualitative researcher also takes into account the tonic or facial expressions of the informant, because they help interpret the verbal responses. Such expressions are only sensed by observation. If the interview is done in the field, then the surroundings of the interview site also provide meaningful data for the research. The surroundings can only be depicted through observation. Hence observation is indispensable in almost all occasions of qualitative research. However, the term observation may sometimes go beyond what is seen. It also pertains to what is heard, and even sometimes what is smelled. Case 4.1 provides one of such examples. Case 4.1: Classroom Observation Scheme In the IIEP project on basic education, Leung designed for the Chinese research a scheme for classroom observation. Classroom was taken as one of the environmental factors affecting students learning. The scheme was designed after Leung stayed in local schools for two days. The scheme did not confine itself to the performance of the teacher, although that was a part. The figure on the next page shows one of the six sections of the scheme. Different writers have different ways of classifying observations. Without running into juggling of definitions, we shall briefly introduce observations as participant observations and non-participant observations. More detailed classification of observations can be found in Bernard (1988), Goetz and LeCompte (1984) and Patton (1990). Participant Observation Participant observation is perhaps the most typical of qualitative research.  Some authors even use participant observation as a synonym for ethnographic research. Different writers may have slightly different definitions of participant observation. The following description by Fetterman is perhaps the most agreeable to most researchers. Participant observation is immersion in a culture. Ideally, the ethnographer lives and works in the community for six months to a year or more, learning the language and seeing patterns of behaviour over time. Long-term residence helps the researcher internalize the basic beliefs, fears, hopes and expectations of the people under study. (1989:45) Immersion of the participant can either be continuous or noncontinuous. The three classical cases we quoted in Chapter 1 all include participation in the continuous mode. Lis study of classroom sociology (Cases 3.8 and 3.9) involved one years continuous residence. In the second and third year she went to the school three days a week. She combined continuous with noncontinuous participant observations. Fetterman used noncontinuous participation when he was doing qualitative evaluation of educational programmes. Case 4.2: Noncontinuous Visits In two ethnographic studies, of dropouts and of gifted children, Fetterman visited the programmes for only a few weeks every couple of months over a three-year period. The visits were intensive. They included classroom observation, informal interviews, occasional substitute teaching,interaction with community members, and the use of various other research techniques, including long-distance phone-calls, dinner with students families, and time spent hanging out in the hallways and parking lot with students cutting classes. (Fetterman, 1989:46-7) II. Environment of the classroom 1. The classroom is on the _____ floor of the school building. 2. The classroom is near ( ) residential area ( ) factories ( ) road(s) ( ) field ( ) marketplace ( ) others _______________________________________ 3. The number of windows which provide lighting and ventilation to the classroom: ( ) satisfies the required standard ( ) is below the required standard 4. The main artificial lighting facility in the classroom is: ( ) florescent tubes total no.__________________ ( ) light bulbs total no.__________________ 5. Condition of lighting during the lesson : ( ) bright ( ) dim ( ) dark 6. Ventilation in the classroom: ( ) well ventilated ( ) stuffy ( ) suffocating 7. Quality of air in the classroom: ( ) refreshing ( ) a bit smelly ( ) stingy 8. Environments for listening: ( ) very quiet ( ) occasional noise ( ) noisy 9. Classrooms floor structure: ( ) concrete ( ) log ( ) mud ( ) carpet 10. Classrooms floor condition: ( ) clean ( ) some litter ( ) full of rubbish 11. Classrooms wall conditions: ( ) smooth clean ( ) some stains ( ) dirty damaged 12. Classrooms area: _____________m2; area/person: _____ m2. 13. Space use in classroom: ( ) looks spatial ( ) fairly crowded ( ) very crowded 14. Furniture and other article arrangements in the classroom: ( ) orderly and tidy ( ) messy 1Figure 1 Classroom Observation Scheme (Designed by Leung Yat-ming) Whytes experience in the Italian slum (Case 2) is perhaps the nearest to ideal in participant observation. He stayed in the community for two years. He experienced the life of a member of the Italian slum. In Whytes case, native membership allows the researcher the highest level of participant observation. Most researchers are denied such an opportunity, often because of constraints in time and resources, as we have discussed at length in Chapter 3. Under all sorts of constraints, at best the researcher lives as much as possible with and in the same manner as the individuals under investigation (Goetz and LeCompte, 1984: 109). In these circumstances, the researchers may not claim that they was doing ethnography, but it is legitimate to apply ethnographic approach and techniques to the study (Fetterman, 1989:47). Participant observation in its broad sense therefore tolerates different lengths of time and different degrees of depth. There is a full range of possible modes of participant observation, what Wolcott calls ethnographer sans[1] ethnography (Wolcott, 1984: 177). The most frequent case in education is that a researcher may stay in a school and become a teacher in that school. The researcher identity may or may not be disguised. The researcher may then, as a participant, observe teachers behaviours in teaching, in meetings, in conversations, and so forth. Sometimes, the researcher is readily a member of the community (say, a school) and may still carry out research as a participant observer. However, in this case, the researcher should be aware of his/her knowledge of the community and should be cautious that such knowledge would not lead to preoccupations about the school under research. In cases where the researchers have successfully gained membership (as Whyte did in the Italian  slum), the distinction between a native member and the researcher-as-participant begins to blur. This insider-outsider dialectics will be further discussed later. Nonparticipant Observation Strictly speaking, nonparticipant observation involves merely watching what is happening and recording events on the spot. In the qualitative orientation, because of the non-intervention principle, strict nonparticipant observation should involve no interaction between the observer and the observed. Goetz and LeCompte assert that in the strict sense nonparticipant observation exists only where interactions are viewed through hidden camera and recorder or through one-way mirror (1984: 143). Dabbs (1982:41), for example, used hidden camera in Atlanta at a plaza in Georgia State University, and studied an informal group that frequently gathered during the morning break. There are examples of using hidden video-cameras in school toilets to study drug problem among students, or to use unnoticed audio recording device to study student interactions. The use of audio or video recording device often invites concern in ethnical considerations. Such problems are similar to those arising in using one-way mirrors in interviews or psychological experiments. Such cases are rare in policy-related research. Another case of nonparticipant observation with ethical problem is disguised observation, or covert observation. A typical example is Humphreys (1975) study on homosexual activities. He did not participate in such activities, but offered to act as watch queen, warning his informants when someone approached the toilet. Another famous example is Van Maanens covert study of police. He became practically a police recruit. Over more than a decade, he slipped in and out of the police in various research roles (Van Maanen, 1982). Covert observations are again rare in research which is related to educational decision-making. Hidden camera or recorder and covert observation occur only exceptionally.  Most author would accept the watching of audience behaviour during a basketball game (Fetterman, 1989:47) or the watching of pedestrian behaviour over a street as acceptable examples of nonparticipant observations. Interaction between the researcher and the social community under study is often unavoidable. We have again discussed this at length in Chapter 3 under the notion of researcher intervention. If we perceive the problem of intervention as a matter of degrees, then the distinction between participant observation and nonparticipant observation begins to blur. The general principle across the board is that the researchers should minimize their interactions with the informants and focus attention unobtrusively on the stream of events (Goetz and LeCompte, 1984:143). Wolcotts study of school principal (Case 3) was perhaps the most intensive type of nonparticipant observation that one could find in the realm of education. (He also used other supplementary methods as mentioned in Case 3). He did live with the school for two years, but he did not participate as a school principal which was his subject of study. He saw his role as one of participant-as-observer (Wolcott, 1984:7). So was Lis study (Case 3.8) of classroom sociology in her first year. She did stay with the school as a teacher but she never became a student which was her subject of study. The following two years of her study, however, was not nonparticipant observation because she applied experimental measures. During the UNICEF research in Liaoning, the basic method I used was interviewing and not nonparticipant observation, but I did have, at times, nonparticipant observation when debates occurred between the local planners and the provincial planners (Case 3.7), or when planners chat among themselves about their past experience in the field. The most frequently employed nonparticipant observation which is relevant to educational decision-making is perhaps observation at meetings. Typically, the researcher attends a meeting as an observer. The researcher tries to be as unobtrusive as possible and records everything that happens during the meeting. When Wolcott did his study on the school principal, he was present at all meetings unless he was told otherwise (Wolcott, 1984:4). The following was my experience of a non-participant observation in China. Case 4.3: A Validation Seminar I realized during the UNICEF research in Liaoning (Case 4) that one essential step in the planning for basic education in China was validation. When drafting of an education plan was complete, the draft plan had to undergo scrutiny in what is known as a validation seminar. In essence, all those related to the plan, including leaders at all levels, representatives of all relevant government departments, experts from all areas are invited to discuss. Relevant documents are sent to the participants well in advance. They are then asked to comment on the plan during the validation exercise. Only validated plans are submitted to relevant machinery for legislation. The validation seminar for Liaoning was unfortunately held before the UNICEF research. I got an opportunity, however, a year after in 1988, when the Shanghai educational plan was to undergo validation. The host of the meeting agreed to send me an invitation. I attended the meeting in the name of an external expert, although I made clear to the host that my major task was not to contribute. They agreed. During the meeting, I was able to observe the roles of the various actors during the meeting. I was also able to talk to individual participants during tea breaks and meals to understand their background and their general views about educational planning. I was able to do a number of things over the two-day meeting: (a) to classify the over 40 participants into technocrats, bureaucrats, policy-makers and academics; (b) to understand the different extents in which the participants contributed to the modification of the plan; (c) the disparity in capacity among participants in terms of information and expertise; (d) the inter-relations between the different categories of actors and (e) the function of the validation exercise. In the end, I concluded that validation was a way of legitim ation, which employed both technical (expert judgement) and political (participation) means to increase the acceptability of the plan before it went for legal endorsement. The political aspect came to me as a surprise. It indicated a change in the notion of rationality among Chinese planners and policy-makers. Interviewing Interviewing is widely used in qualitative research. Compared with observation, it is more economical in time, but may achieve less in understanding the culture. The economy in time, however, makes ethnographic interviewing almost the most widely used technique in policy-related research. Interviewing is trying to understand what people think through their speech. There are different types of interviews, often classified by the degrees of control over the interview. Along this line, we shall briefly introduce three types of interviewing: informal interviewing, unstructured interviewing, semi-structured interviewing, and formally structured interviewing. We shall also briefly introduce key-informant interviewing and focus groups which are specific types of ethnographic interviewing. Qualitative research of course has no monopoly over interviewing. Interviewing is also frequently used in research of other traditions. The difference between ethnographic interviewing and interviewing in other traditions lies mainly in two areas: the interviewer-interviewee relationship and the aims of interviews. Ethnographic interviewees, or informants, are teachers rather than subjects to the researcher, they are leaders rather than followers in the interview. The major aim of the interview should not be seeking responses to specific questions, but initiating the informant to unfold data. Readers may find more detailed discussions about ethnographic interviewing in Spradley (1979) who provides perhaps the most insightful account of the subject. In-depth discussions about ethnographic interviewing can also be found in Bernard (1988), Patton (1990), Fetterman (1989) and Powney and Watts (1987). Informal Interviewing Informal interviewing entails no control. It is usually conversations that the researcher recall after staying in the field. It is different from  observation in that it is interactive. That is, the informant speaks to the researcher. By its own nature, informal interviewing is the most ethnographic in the sense that it is not responding to any formal question. It is part of the self-unfolding process.

Regulation of Advertising in the UAE

Regulation of Advertising in the UAE Contents (Jump to) Introduction Cases of regulation in the United Arab Emirates Top exercise in compliance Advertising Standards in UAE Aims Standards in association to advertisements Conclusion Bibliography Introduction With numerous advertising messages contending for the responsiveness of the potential customers, it might be appropriate to determine that there is enormous pressure on both advertisers and advertising agencies to make sure that their advertisements are the most notable. Further seeing that the normal time taken to make an impression using sign board adverts is seemingly between five to three seconds, the pressure to make sure that an advert is efficient increases vitally (Waldo, 2012). As an outcome of the competition for the consideration of the potential customers, advertisers might feel attracted to overstate the features and qualities of services or products offered, or use other means of language that may result in being more notable than precise (Waldo, 2012). Taking account of the large investment sources gotten to tolerate behind advertising campaigns and the effect that effective campaign can have in attaining greater sales or greater customer commitment, it is not just the customers that are in need of protection from misleading adverts, but also trade competitors (Advertising Standards for the UAE, 2013). Misleading or overstated claims in adverts about the benefits of or features of a product may be detrimental to the sales of contending products and may incidentally indicate insufficiencies in contending products. For example, an assertion that product A gives you the complete satisfaction and there is no other product as such, this clearly indicates that other similar products in the market are insufficient in comparison with product A as they do not deliver same level of satisfaction (Setting up an advertising agency in the UAE, 2013). Cases of regulation in the United Arab Emirates In some dominions, such as for instance the UK, advertising is fundamentally structured through sovereign self-regulating bodies, as well as certain legislation. In the UAE no such self-regulating body exits and advertising is regulated through a mixture of requirements drafted from laws emphasizing on the protection of customers and on the other hand, the happenings of businesses that might establish prejudicial competition. The Executive Regulation to the Customer Protection Law delivers that the customers have a privilege to be delivered with the facts that support them in appropriate consumption and purchases. The Executive Regulation further precisely deals with advertising, providing: â€Å"No individual will be allowed to advertise in any medium any service or goods in a manner which results in mystifying or misleading customers.† (Waldo, 2012). The Department for Customer Protection is the suitable governmental department which deals with customer complaints and the Customer Protection Law delivers for a minimum fine in the occurrence of an infringement of the law. Customers distressed by deceiving adverts may consequently address their complaints unswervingly to the Department for Customer Protection (Zainab, 2014). Additionally, to the provisions of the Customer Protection Law, the Suppression of Fraud Executive Regulation discourses salable declarations whether made indirectly or directly providing: â€Å"must be appropriate in all reverences whether placed on shops, inside shops, products, or on invoices, packaging, correspondence, advertising tool or material or any other things used to deliver goods to the customers.† Commercial statements are identified in the Fraud Regulation to comprise for instance the â€Å"specifications and power† and â€Å"configuration† of products and as such, advertisin g comprising germane claims that are not correct in any reverence will be in infringement of the Fraud Regulation. The domain of the Fraud Regulation is much inclusive than the sheer emphasize on â€Å"commercial statements† as demarcated therein, as it also delivers that a trader may not recourse to any approach that would mislead or confuse the customers as well as delivering that â€Å"A merchant, producer, manufacturer may not† (Michael, 2010). Additionally, to the above stated regulation and laws governing advertising acts, the Commercial Transactions Law delivers additional protection to the potential competitors in trade that may be influenced by deceiving adverts. The Commercial Transactions Law delivers that a â€Å"dealer must not recourse to cheating and fraud when making his goods, nor may he publish or spread deceitful specifics that are detrimental to the interests of another competitor trader†. Where a dealer is shamefaced of disobeying this provision, it will be accountable to pay the damages (Anita, 2013). Though, in UAE there is no existence of self-regulating body that delivers a platform for the submission and hearing of advertising associated complaints, the United Arab Emirates legal system delivers numerous mechanisms through which traders and customers can complain against deceiving and misleading advertising. There is consequently no reason for either customers or trader to accept deceiving and irresponsible adverts in the UAE, specifically where advertisers should take appropriate consideration of the vital language and cultural differences that occur in the customer population in the UAE (Michael, 2010). Top exercise in compliance There is a probability that the UAE governments increased emphasize on customer protection and attempts to make customers aware of their privileges as customers may lead to more crucial evaluation of advertising claims by both government officials and customers. In contradiction of the circumstantial of advertising regulation in the UAE and the greater general social accountability of advertisers to customers, advertisers should make sure as a top exercise that internal advertising authorization must also include suitable legal review and legal compliance authorization (Mo, 2013) Advertising Standards in UAE Upon publication in the Federal Newspaper, the latest Advertising Standards will oblige to unite the various fundamentals regulating content in association to advertisements in the UAE, underlining numerous principle decrees (Anita, 2013). Aims With a perspective of making sure that the advertising industry’s act in accordance with the laws and regulations of the UAE, the latest Standards governing advertising are proposed to: Impart reverence for the local cultural, social and religious values and beliefs which triumph in the UAE. Fortify the independence of expression of the media. Form the advertising division as one which contributes to the progression of economic growth in the UAE and make sure that all advertising content is; honest, unbiased, have respect for the privacy of individuals and protects the public from detrimental effects (Anita, 2013). Standards in association to advertisements The advertising Standards define ideologies in association to all old-style and digital adverts published or broadcast via any media organization and channel in the UAE. Though the advertising Standards does not set out the meaning of these terms, they may be perceived generally to involve advertisements issued by stores, for instance (Advertising Standards for the UAE, 2013). Many of the Standards defined in the Advertising Standards repeat ideologies already formed under numerous prevailing regulations and legislations, while others comes with new laws regulating advertising content in the province and advertisements (Advertising Standards for the UAE, 2013). Here is the summary of the key standards below: Reverence for political and religion institutions – All the advertising content must account for respect to all religions and must not in any way offend Islamic values. It must not disregard the government of the UAE and/or the political institutions and symbols thereof. Forbidden services/products – The advertising Standards clearly forbid the advertising of products like alcohol, tobacco and all other banned products or services. Forbidden content – The standard forbid the publication of pictures and words that breach public ethics. They also forbid the propagation and spread of information that may prejudice women or children or public in general. The standard also forbids the incitement of hatred, sectarianism and violence through advertising content. Privacy – With a perspective to protect the privacy of the public, the Standards clearly forbids the broadcast and publication misleading rumors and news. Customer protection – The Standards mandate obedience with the rules regulating customer protection and commercial activities specifically in association to anti-competitive unlawful monopolies and practices. Health legislations – Advertising content associated pharmaceutical products or medicines must be in compliance with the laws defined by Cabinet Resolution No. 7 of 2007 Regarding Health Advertisements legislations. Conclusion The rules and regulations mentioned above is the framework of how advertisements are governed in the UAE. Any company selling their products or services in UAE must comply with all these rules and regulations when before marketing their product or advertising it, any failure to comply with these may lead to crucial penalties (Shani, 2010). Bibliography Advertising Standards for the UAE. (2013). Retrieved from http://www.thelawyer.com/briefings/advertising-standards-for-the-uae/3001344.article Anita, S. (2013). ADVERTISING STANDARDS FOR THE UAE. Retrieved from http://www.tamimi.com/en/magazine/law-update/section-5/february-4/advertising-standards-for-the-uae.html Michael, H. (2010). UAE Health Advertisements Regulation Could Challenge Industry. Retrieved from http://www.camlawblog.com/articles/international/uae-health-advertisements-regulation-could-challenge-industry/ Mo, A. (2013). The UAE National Media Council regulates dialects in advertising. Retrieved from http://www.measuredpr.com/2013/01/18/the-uae-national-media-council-regulates-dialects-in-advertising/ Setting up an advertising agency in the UAE. (2013). Retrieved from http://ameinfo.com/smeinfo/fact_finder/setting-up-an-advertising-agency-in-the-uae/ Shani, S. (2010). Consumer Protection Law of UAE. Retrieved from http://www.hg.org/article.asp?id=4999 Steve, B. (2014). Sports sponsorship: advertising restrictions in the GCC. Retrieved from http://www.sportspromedia.com/guest_blog/sports_sponsorship_advertising_restrictions_in_the_gcc Waldo, S. (2012). Advertising Regulations in the UAE. Retrieved from http://www.tamimi.com/en/magazine/law-update/section-6/september-2/advertising-regulations-in-the-uae.html Zainab, C. (2014). Misleading Trade Descriptions And Sanctions Thereof. Retrieved from http://www.thelawyer.com/briefings/advertising-standards-for-the-uae/3001344.article

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda

Ethnicity and Genocide in Rwanda Tracing the origins of a genocide is a treacherous undertaking. If simply recording the facts can be difficult, due to the chaotic and brutal disregard of human existence and culture, then tracing the social, cultural and political origins/causes is highly problematic. If the interpreter chooses to trace these origins to the distant past, by considering peculiar cultural developments and tensions then he/she can be accused of absolving those who were actively involved in the genocide of the responsibility that should be attributed to them. If on the other hand, the interpreter chooses merely to concentrate on the motivations of those involved then this can be at the expense of a broader understanding of the circumstances that enabled such motivations to flourish. This dilemma certainly confronts efforts to explain the most notorious genocide in human history, in Germany during the second world war. Hannah Arendt for example, asked us, disturbingly, to think of Eichman as just a burea ucrat trying to do the best for his career and family as a creation of the dark side of modernity. In attempting to explain a more recent, equally brutal, genocide in Rwanda in 1994 we are once again confronted by the interpretive dilemma described above. In the case of Rwanda the issue for those attempting to explain why almost 1 million people were murdered in the space of just a few months, has been the extent to which ethnicity was the decisive factor. Was it ethnic tension and rivalry that erupted, horrifically, into the mass killing of a minority ethnic group by another majority ethnic group? If so then how did such viscous ethnic tension emerge? Was it an artificial creation of colonial rule, that was very likely to eventually end in violent conflict? Or were ethnic tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi the deliberate construction of power groups bent on the annihilation of their enemies, their competitors for power. And to what extent were these tensions class based rather than ethnic? In the following essay I shall show how there is more at stake in assessing the contributi on of ethnicity to the genocide in Rwanda than the degree to which ethnicity was a factor. Moreover, it is very clear that ethnicity played a part but the key issue is when, who, how and for what purpose was ‘ethnic’ division created? Our answers to these questions will lead us to the very meaning of the ethnicities themselves. Ethnicity and Genocide Before we can begin to address the particular case of Rwanda however we should clarify what will be meant by both ethnicity and genocide. The term ethnicity is usually employed to refer to the identity of a group of people who share a particular geography, language, history, religion, habits and customs that can be distinguished from other such groups. Whether this identity is ‘imaginary or real’, as Obi Zgwanda notes, is irrelevant. What matters is that there is a perception of ethnic differences and that this perception guides the actions and interactions of those who hold to them. It is important also to note here that ethnicity is a social identity that is not necessarily confined by, or the product of, precise geographical boundaries. Indeed Africa is a good example of a region that consists of many ethnicities that pre-date the establishment of geographical boundaries. Moreover, just because a certain social identity is not geographically demarcated against another social identity, it’s other, does not mean that the social identity in question is any less describable as ethnic (Igwara, 1995: 7) The term genocide requires a much more formal definition. This is because there often seems to be some confusion between killing that is motivated by ethnic hatred and the deliberate, planned attempt to eliminate a certain ethnic group which is what we shall understand to be genocide. The distinction is important because it is much easier to understand the socio-historical causes of violence between ethnic groups than it is to trace the socio-historical legacy that led to genocide. In other words, there may exist ethnic tensions or competing ethnicities but it is a big step to then understand them as the key contributing factor in genocide. And once we recognise that genocide is planned and deliberate then we also have to take into account the motivations of the planners of the genocide. In other words, we need to consider the extent to which ethnicity was manipulated by actors bent on the paranoid accumulation of power and wealth. Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities? Hutu and Tutsi are the two main ethnic groupings in Rwanda. But are they really distinct ethnic groupings. After all, they share the same language and customs and are not divided by religion either. Indeed, they also share the same geography. The Hutu, who are the majority group, have been historically distinguished, most significantly, merely by their occupation as farmers of the land whereas Tutsi are mainly cattle farmers. To be sure this is an important difference, in that ownership of cattle has traditionally been thought of as the chief measure of status. There are some who believe that Tutsi and Hutu can be distinguished also by appearance but then there are others still who believe that this is mythical, a social imagination of former Tutsi rule which explains why they are thought to be taller. In any case, the pre-twentieth century history of Tutsi and Hutu suggest that the two groups were different not as ethnicities as such but as two layers of a caste system. This would perhaps explain why prior to the twentieth century the Hutu and Tutsi coexisted relatively peacefully; certainly if the cultural and economic hierarchy between Tutsi and Hutu was internalised as a natural order within the social identities of the two groupings. Indeed, to describe the Hutu and Tutsi as ethnicities may indeed be a Eurocentric way of classifying the differences between the two groups that wants to divide up the world into distinct ethnicities, much in the way that nations are divided up. To put the point differently, it is rather like understanding the middle and working classes in Britain as separate ethnicities. To conclude this section, if the genocide carried out by Hutu against Tutsi is to be understood in terms of ethnicity then the ethnicity we are referring to must surely be a recent creation and therefore, perhaps less decisive as a factor? Colonialism and the construction of ethnicity It is now widely recognised that colonial rule of Africa, and other parts of the world, created tensions that otherwise might not have existed. There are two key reasons for this effect. Firstly, the dividing up of Africa by European powers in the 19th and early 20th century created artificial boundaries which subsequently became states, and which would later become the subject of dispute and violent conflict. Secondly, and more significantly in the case of Rwanda colonialism imposed what is called the settler/native dialectic. The settler/native dialectic did not just impose a hierarchy it established an altered consciousness in which social identities were relative to the superiority of the colonist (Mamdani, 2001). Moreover, consent to colonial rule was imposed not just through force but through a kind of cultural assimilation in which the native was encouraged to aspire to the cultural and economic superiority of the settler. This surely had the effect of heightening tensions bet ween groups that were privileged or marginalised within this dialectic thus feeding a key ingredient of ethnicity, namely otherness (Mamdani, 2001) German control of Rwanda up until the first world war certainly followed the logic of colonialism described above. Throughout German occupation the dominance of the Tutsi was further institutionalised through administrative and economic structures. And the enforcement of a tax regime meant that the Tutsi were both partly responsible for and beneficiaries of the collection and allocation of revenue. However, it was Belgian colonialism that had the most significant impact on relations between Hutu and Tutsi, and the social construction of ethnic identity in Rwanda. There are several key factors here. Firstly, after taking control of the colony after world war one, the Belgian authorities introduced formal ethnic identification. Every Rwandan was forced to carry identity cards stating their ethnic identity, i.e Hutu or Tutsi. Placed alongside the continued support for the Tutsi elite and the explicit belief that the Tutsi were superior to the Hutu, physically and culturally, this surely had the effect of polarising the ‘ethnic’ contrast between the two groups (Igwara, 1995: 46) Worse still, the Belgian authorities attempted to make Rwanda into a profitable colony and thus enforced a much harsher regime than under the Germans. Since much of the administration of this regime was carried out by the Tutsi an actual dynamic of tension was set in place that was to unfold throughout the twentieth century. The Belgian colonisers certainly helped to ensure, albeit unintentionally, that this dynamic became conflictual and violent. In the 1950’s signs of unrest amongst the Hutu population in reaction to their oppressed condition led the Belgian authorities to introduce a greater measure of equality between the Hutu and Tutsi. Moreover the growing confidence and deepened collective consciousness of the Hutu eventually resulted in a bloody overthrow by the Hutu of the Tutsi regime in 1959. From 1962 onwards the Hutu reversed the Tutsi dominance, often just as brutally as the regime that it replaced. By the 1990’s the Hutu and Tutsi were divided, at least, by divergent collective memories of the past, or in other words by conflicting ethnic identities. By way of conclusion to our summary of the effects of colonialism, we can say that the colonial control of Rwanda clearly established tensions that might not otherwise have existed, which had the effect of strengthening the ethnic self-consciousness of the Hutu and Tutsi (Mamdani, 2001). Though we have not yet established the degree to which ethnicity contributed to the genocide in Rwanda, it is clear that the tensions that were present in the early 1990’s were ethnic ones, even if they were only recently created. By this time the perceived cultural differences between the Hutu and Tutsi were not mere economic. The Genocide It is one thing to establish that the genocide occurred against a background of decades of ethnic strife, but quite another to claim this strife was the decisive factor in the genocide. To claim that ethnicity was the decisive factor in the genocide is perhaps to suppose that the genocide was spontaneous, that it was the rising to the surface of ethnic injustice and hatred whose will was carried out by the militia who slaughtered so many Tutsi, in such a short space of time. But perhaps this is what the perpetrators of the genocide would like us to believe. Perhaps it would be more accurate to claim, following the definition of Genocide outlined above, that the genocide was deliberate and planned and that the ethnic hatred, and thus the particular ethnicity that played a part was also deliberately cultivated for the purpose of carrying out genocide. There are several key factors here. Firstly whilst its scale was unprecedented in Rwanda, the genocide arguably began sometime before 1994. During the late 1980’s and early 1990’s a series of progroms were carried out. These were smaller scale brutal killing expeditions by Hutu militia, coordinated by the Hutu government, most probably in preparation for genocide on a much greater scale (Freeman, 1998). The Hutu government appeared to have arrived at the conclusion that the surest way to permanently secure its power base was the elimination of the Tutsi. The rhetoric of the regime during this period certainly seems to confirm this. But the Hutu suppression of the Tutsi during this period, under the leadership of Habyarimana, was not simply motivated by the desire to ethnically cleanse. Even though viscous ethnocentric rhetoric was employed the Hutu government were perhaps more fearful of the consequences of the pressure that was being brought on them by external powers for democratic reform and thus the i nclusion of the Tutsi. The progroms then, and the eventual genocide may be seen as an attempt to eliminate any threat to its power base before it was required to relent to pressure for democratic reform. Indeed, the introduction of democratic reform during the early 1990’s only further strengthened the Hutu governments cause. More press freedom and the establishment of new political parties only led to more pro-Hutu and more anti-Tutsi rhetoric. This rhetoric was also more specifically targeted against the Arusha accords which were supposed to establish a power-sharing arrangement with the Tutsi. To be sure, the chances for the success of the accords was diminished also by the invasions between 1990-93 of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) a Tutsi led militia force based in Uganda. However the fear amongst the Hutu elite that if the accords were realised they would lose their cultural and political positions was more decisively a factor in their racialisation of Rwanda politic s during the period before the genocide. The extent to which the Rwandan genocide was planned and thus the result of a power struggle rather, merely, than ethnicity, is evidenced by the events that led up to the genocide in the months before. On April 6th 1994 a plane carrying the president was shot down by a missile, killing everyone on board. But in the same day of the attack, Hutu militia were out on patrol checking the identities of all passers by if they were Tutsi they were brutally murdered with machete’s (Freeman, 1998: 49). The killing that ensued then was immediate and on a mass scale during a period of just 3 months. Estimates of the number of Tutsi killed ranged between 700,000 and 1 million. The apparent suddenness of the genocide as well as the inaction of the international community should not however, disguise the significant and not well concealed evidence that the genocide was planned even predictable. Indeed the attack on the presidents aeroplane is still shrouded in mystery. It is unclear who ca rried out the attack and some suspect that it may have been Hutu extremists concerned that the Hutu government would relinquish some of its power base to the Tutsi. And it should also be noted that the genocide was not just targeted at Tutsi but Hutu moderates. The relative absence of ethnicity as a factor in the summary above leaves out an important question however. How is it, if the genocide was a planned attempt by the Hutu elite to eliminate any potential threat to its power-base, that so many people participated in the genocide. However, only 10% of the Hutu population participated in the killings. The image that is often portrayed of the people killing their neighbours often obscures this statistic. It is true that Tutsi and Hutu lived in the same communities and spoke the same language and even married each other but one cannot make the further step that the genocide was the spontaneous eruption of ethnic hatred. Clearly, the events and origins of the genocide in Rwanda are highly contested. Indeed, it is important to include here the interpretation of the events offered by western governments and the western media. There is much evidence to suggest that both the U.S and France had the operational military capability to intervene ra pidly and decisively to halt the genocide. Furthermore the shooting down of the presidents plane has never properly been investigated, either by the U.N, American or Belgian authorities. Moreover Rwanda represents a massive failure on a number of fronts. The most blatant failure was clearly that of the United Nations for pathetically sending in peacekeeping troops that were merely able to stand by and watch the slaughter. Then there is the failure, and apparent inconsistency of the ‘American empire’ to decisively intervene despite its interventions elsewhere. And there is also the failure to prevent the genocide, to do anything about the preparations for genocide. Indeed, Rwanda was actually viewed as a model of development of an example of the success of international development aid. This is despite the substantial use of international aid for the funding Hutu militia and the luxurious lifestyles of the Hutu elite. From the perspective of these failed actors, or non-actors, it is certainly much more convenient either to understand what happened in Rwanda as ‘civil war’ or to understand it as a sudden eruption of ethnic tensions that defy easy explanation. Curiously, by laying the blame for the genocide at the door of colonialism the cultural studies, post-colonial explanation for the genocide in Rwanda actually ends up allying itself with the former colonial powers who apparently ‘powerless’ to intervene. Conclusion Whilst ethnicity is clearly a factor in the genocide in Rwanda, we need to be careful the way in which and the degree to which attribute this factor. Firstly, historically the Tutsi and Hutu have been divided along class rather than ethnic lines. Their differences do not take the form of ethnic differences in the European sense of the term. Secondly, whilst the colonial intensification of tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi created a consciousness of ethnicity that might not otherwise have existed we should be careful when attempting to trace the specific and brutal act of genocide to the legacy of colonialism. Thirdly, the years, months, days and hours that proceded the genocide suggest that it was planned and thus not a sudden eruption of ethnic tension and hostilities as is sometimes implied. Bibliography John A. Berry and Carol Pott Berry (eds.), Genocide in Rwanda:  A Collective Memory. Washington, DC: Howard University  Press, 1999. Charles Freeman, Crisis in Central Africa Hove: Wagland, 1998 Mahmood Mamdani, When Victims Become  Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Obi Igwara, Ethnic Hatred: genocide in Rwanda London: ASEAN, 1995

Cuneiform :: Egyptian Writing Essays

Cuneiform The earliest writing in Mesopotamia was a picture writing invented by the Sumerians who wrote on clay tablets using long reeds. The script the Sumerians invented and handed down to the Semitic peoples who conquered Mesopotamia in later centuries, is called cuneiform, which is derived from two Latin words: cuneus , which means "wedge," and forma , which means "shape." This picture language, similar to but more abstract than Egyptian hieroglyphics, eventually developed into a syllabic alphabet under the Semites (Assyrians and Babylonians) who eventually came to dominate the area. In Sumer, the original writing was pictographic ("picture writing"); individual words were represented by crude pictorial symbols that resembled in some way the object being represented, as in the Sumerian word for king. The first symbol pictures "gal," or "great," and the second pictures "lu," or "man." Eventually, this pictorial writing developed into a more abstract series of wedges and hooks. These wedges and hooks are the original cuneiform and represented in Sumerian entire words (this is called ideographic and the word symbols are called ideograms, which means "concept writing"); the Semites who adopted this writing, however, spoke an entirely different language, in fact, a language as different from Sumerian as English is different from Japanese. In order to adapt this foreign writing to a Semitic language, the Akkadians converted it in part to a syllabic writing system; individual signs represent entire syllables. However, in addition to syllable symbols, some cuneiform symbols are ideograms ("picture words") representing an entire word; these ideograms might also, in other contexts, be simply syllables. For instance, in Assyrian, the cuneiform for the syllable "ki" is written. However, as an ideogram, this cuneiform also stands for the Assyrian word irsitu , or "earth." So reading cuneiform involves mastering a large syllabic alphabet as well as a large number of ideograms, many of them identical to syllable symbols. This complicated writing system dominated Mesopotamia until the century before the birth of Christ; the Persians greatly simplified cuneiform until it represented something closer to an alphabet.

Prisons Dont Work Essay examples -- Critical Thinking Essays

Right now in the United States of America murderers, rapists, and child molesters are being set free. Prisoners are watching T.V., eating a meal, and using exercise equipment while law abiding citizens are starving and living in the gutters. Prisoners even have their own periodical. Dangerous criminals are walking the streets and crime is a way of life to many Americans. In America, crime does pay because our nations prison system is not working. The nations prison system must be changed because of major problems with the system such as overcrowding and the fact that early release programs do not work. Building more jails is expensive and does not solve anything. These problems can be solved by giving prisoners no chance for parole and imprisoning only violent offenders. The non-violent offenders should enter a work program for the duration of their sentence. Since 1980, jail and prison populations have grown by 172 percent(United States 11 Sept. 1994). Overcrowding is both inhumane to the prisoner and dangerous to the prison staff. When you put a lot of people, especially criminals, in close quarters tensions rise and the chance of a riot increases. If a riot occurs both prisoners and guards are put in danger. In Texas the jails are full. There is an estimated backlog of 29,000 state prisoners who are incarcerated in county jails awaiting new cells.(Brida 24 Nov. 1994) Texas is not the only state with overcrowding problems. For example, Ohios prison system is operating at 180 percent of capacity.(Varnam 16) Also, the federal prison system is 37 percent over-capacity(Clark 4 Feb. 1994). Statistics like this are found across the country. Prisons should have two objectives; 1) keep dangerous criminals off the streets ... ...ng more prisons cut the crime rate? The CQ Researcher 4 Feb. 1994URL:gopher://gopher.cqalert.com/0F1:25674:05CQR_FEBRUARY1994%20gopher. Cunniff, Mark A. and Patrick A. Langan. Recidivism of Felons on Probation, 1986-89. 24 Nov. 1994(found) URL:gopher://justice2. usdoj.gov/00/ojp/bjs/13. Prison Inmates To Work In Wildlife Management Areas.Associated Press 24 Nov. 1994(found) URL:gopher://gopher.cic.net/00/nircomm/ gopher/e-serials/general/education/univ-newspapers/daily- texan/today/94041507.s03_Prison.gz. Sanchez , Edward J. Look Beyond Capital Punishment. 26 Nov. 1994 (found) URL:?. United States. Department of Justice. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Probation And Parole Populations Reach New Highs. 11 Sept. 1994. URL:gopher://justice2.usdoj.gov/00/ojp/bjs/probpar.txt. Voters Get Tough On Criminals. The Associated Press 9 Nov. 1994. URL:?. Prisons Don't Work Essay examples -- Critical Thinking Essays Right now in the United States of America murderers, rapists, and child molesters are being set free. Prisoners are watching T.V., eating a meal, and using exercise equipment while law abiding citizens are starving and living in the gutters. Prisoners even have their own periodical. Dangerous criminals are walking the streets and crime is a way of life to many Americans. In America, crime does pay because our nations prison system is not working. The nations prison system must be changed because of major problems with the system such as overcrowding and the fact that early release programs do not work. Building more jails is expensive and does not solve anything. These problems can be solved by giving prisoners no chance for parole and imprisoning only violent offenders. The non-violent offenders should enter a work program for the duration of their sentence. Since 1980, jail and prison populations have grown by 172 percent(United States 11 Sept. 1994). Overcrowding is both inhumane to the prisoner and dangerous to the prison staff. When you put a lot of people, especially criminals, in close quarters tensions rise and the chance of a riot increases. If a riot occurs both prisoners and guards are put in danger. In Texas the jails are full. There is an estimated backlog of 29,000 state prisoners who are incarcerated in county jails awaiting new cells.(Brida 24 Nov. 1994) Texas is not the only state with overcrowding problems. For example, Ohios prison system is operating at 180 percent of capacity.(Varnam 16) Also, the federal prison system is 37 percent over-capacity(Clark 4 Feb. 1994). Statistics like this are found across the country. Prisons should have two objectives; 1) keep dangerous criminals off the streets ... ...ng more prisons cut the crime rate? The CQ Researcher 4 Feb. 1994URL:gopher://gopher.cqalert.com/0F1:25674:05CQR_FEBRUARY1994%20gopher. Cunniff, Mark A. and Patrick A. Langan. Recidivism of Felons on Probation, 1986-89. 24 Nov. 1994(found) URL:gopher://justice2. usdoj.gov/00/ojp/bjs/13. Prison Inmates To Work In Wildlife Management Areas.Associated Press 24 Nov. 1994(found) URL:gopher://gopher.cic.net/00/nircomm/ gopher/e-serials/general/education/univ-newspapers/daily- texan/today/94041507.s03_Prison.gz. Sanchez , Edward J. Look Beyond Capital Punishment. 26 Nov. 1994 (found) URL:?. United States. Department of Justice. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Probation And Parole Populations Reach New Highs. 11 Sept. 1994. URL:gopher://justice2.usdoj.gov/00/ojp/bjs/probpar.txt. Voters Get Tough On Criminals. The Associated Press 9 Nov. 1994. URL:?.

Declaration of Independence Essay

Change made by the Declaration of Independence would come in two waves, through, political freedom, and economic opportunity. Political freedom shaped the ideas and ambitions of the revolutionaries, while economic opportunity merely played as bonuses in the Revolution. First, political freedom for the colonies meant breaking away from England and being able to develop a sense of identity and a sense of self-government. This was established in the first steps towards independence, by the writing of the Declaration of Independence, by Thomas Jefferson. After Congress revised Jefferson’s first drafts of the Declaration of Independence, it was finally approved on July 4, 1776, and now commonly known as Independence Day. The Declaration of Independence was not a promise to the colonists, nor was it an excuse for the fight against England to occur. The Declaration of Independence was a challenge and a risk with the colonists and the rest of the world. The challenge was to test the morality of the colonists, and to push them to their limit in their fight for independence. Second, Once political freedom created fair taxes for the people, Americans needed not to avoid taxes, which led to more economic and trade opportunities, and the economy was able to blossom with little complaints, unlike the previous results of The Stamp Act and The Sugar Act, which preceded political freedoms. Social status was almost completely unchanged, apart from the ability for people to become important government figures, which could change their status in society, but only in aspect and relation to politics, therefore once again making political freedom more of a goal in the long run. Once the colonies were free from the grasp of the English government, they were able to explore their economic opportunities more freely. Before the success of the Revolution, importing goods came with a heavy price, that colonists were not allowed a say in. It is questionable if taxes are a factor of economic opportunity or political freedom, however the establishment of taxes are put down by government, and whether or not one has a say in the taxes they will pay, depends on one’s amount of political freedom. Finally, For the Declaration of Independence to give any freedom at all, it had to first allow for more political freedom. This enabled the possibilities of a stable economic base in which people and government could stand on. In turn these two freedoms would end up making way for more social and societal freedoms within the new country and constitution.

Ethnic and Racial Group overview Essay

While I have always believed myself to be reasonably educated about racial diversity, and non-prejudice against those who come from different ethnic backgrounds than my own, this course has taught me that there is much more to the history and reality of Americas struggle to overcome the all too real problem that is prejudice and discrimination. I have learned much about my own background and history that I was not previously aware of as well. The history of Prejudice and discrimination in America dates as far back as to the days of slavery. While to most this is a well-known fact, there are a few facts about my own ethnic history that were not well-known to me until I participated in this course. The fact that stands out the most is that German immigrants (such as my own grandparents) suffered a reality of segregation in schools and language barriers, not unlike that of today’s Mexican Americans. German Americans struggled to establish bi-lingual schools because they were a growing population in America, and the need was apparent. Knowing this opens up a whole new perspective of my understanding of just how equal we all really are. Because trends in immigration have grown steadily and will continue to grow well into the future, by the year 2050, the U. S. population will experience a culture of diversity so elaborate, and so completely wide spread; resulting in America having no choice but to unite, or suffer from mass self-destruction of the worst kind. The challenges of such a diverse America will be apparent in many ways, and there will be some of the same issues of discrimination and prejudice that have always been. With all of the different cultures coming together, there will be inevitable language barriers, which will result in a continued issue of segregation among children, and the added challenge of providing them with equal educational opportunities. In the same way that children have to face the challenges of diversity, so do the adults who will face discrimination and possible insufficient opportunity to move forward based on their race. On the other hand, when faced with such diversity, America as a whole will be forced to accept change, and perhaps finally overcome the issues that it has been faced with for so long. The opportunity will rise, with the variety of diversity, to become educated about those who are around us. Because there will be nothing else to do but find a way to work together, or to fail as nation, I think that the way that we all see one another is going to change significantly. The idea that others are inferior in any way to any other individual will begin to fade, because with so much diversity all around, there will not be a majority, nor a minority. Perhaps equality in racial group numbers will finally be the key to unlock the door to a prejudice-free America.